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Instead, both charters and actions such as placing a mission in Crimea directly challenge Moscow’s pretensions to an exclusive sphere of influence in Eurasia, especially as Russian aggressiveness, most recently 29 30 International Rivalries in Eurasia manifested in its machinations with Kyrgyzstan, the bases in Abkhazia, and energy policies towards Ukraine and Europe where it is attempting to gain control of Ukraine’s gas, demonstrate its readiness and capability to impose gas embargoes on European countries, and act in a high-handed manner to achieve its goals.
In my view, Russia has been doing exactly that at least since 2003. The means for re-establishing Russia’s former leading role in Eurasia have varied, and after the Georgian war we see not only the energy weapon and other comparatively soft foreign policy means, but also a relapse into traditional (Russian) great power behaviour towards small neighbours. This is ominous, and the CIS leaders have once again been aware that in any type of alliance with Russia they are forced into an alliance with the hegemonic power in order not to be hurt by the same hegemon.
28 Russia and the CIS Region References Blank, S. (2001). ‘The United States and Central Asia’, in R. Allison and L. Jonson(eds) Central Asian Security: The New International Context. Washington, DC: Brookings Institute Press, pp. 127–51. Donaldson, Robert and Joseph Nogee (2002). The Foreign Policy of Russia: Changing Systems, Enduring Interests. New York: M. E. Sharpe. Herd, Graeme (2007). ‘Russia’s Transdniestria Policy: Means, Ends and Great Power Trajectories’, in Roger E. ) Russia: Re-Emerging Great Power.
Architecture in the 90s